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Mercy killing woman takes own life at Dignitas
Vicki Wood, who escaped jail for trying to murder her seriously ill husband, dies at Dignitas clinic in Zurich A woman convicted of trying to kill her husband in an act of mercy more than a decade ago has taken her own life at an assisted suicide clinic in Switzerland. Vicki Wood, 67, a toymaker and artist from Totnes, Devon, was spared jail in 1999 after admitting the attempted murder of Tim, “the love of her life”, who had irreversible dementia and later, Parkinson’s disease. She was put on probation for two years and banned from seeing her husband alone for the rest of his life. He died nine months later. Wood, who was suffering from an undisclosed debilitating illness that meant she could no longer perform the work described as her “lifeblood”, travelled to the Zurich-based Dignitas clinic with a friend last Friday. She is the latest of more than 100 Britons who have travelled to the clinic to take their own lives. In the UK assisting suicide remains a criminal offence. Last month, after pressure to clarify when those who want to help the terminally ill end their lives are likely to face prosecution, the director of public prosecutions published updated guidelines. These stated that anyone assisting suicide is unlikely to be prosecuted if compassion is the driving force of their actions. The Woods, who had been married for 21 years, became active members of a society promoting euthanasia after Mr Wood’s condition was diagnosed in 1993. They had both signed living wills declaring they did not wish to continue living if they suffered certain illnesses and asking their spouse to assist them with suicide, if one of them made that decision. , Today,in an obituary agreed by Wood, her friend Andy Christian wrote that “despite the setbacks, she led a bountiful life”, that had touched and enriched the lives of her fellow friends. “She was a seeker of new experiences, a pioneer gallery owner, an enthusiastic collector, a loving wife and an enviable godmother.” Christian said: “I remember Tim and Vicki as a happy couple. They were always full of fun and we shared serious conversations and lots of laughter.” The Woods became active campaigners on the right to end life. In a 1995 BBC documentary about euthanasia, Mr Wood, a former lecturer at the Britannia Royal Naval College in Dartmouth said: “The difficult thing, I think, is for a willing helper like Vicki. It is going to be far harder for her.” Three years later, after his health had deteriorated further and he was moved to a nursing home, Wood collected her husband from the home and drove to the converted chapel they had shared in Harberton, near Totnes. There, she gave him six sleeping tablets to make him drowsy, put on his favourite Beethoven symphony, undressed him, lay down beside him on the bed and told him she loved him. As he drifted off to sleep, she attempted to smother him with a pillow, but the attempt failed after her husband began to struggle, complained he could not breathe and fell out of bed. Fearing he was injured, she called police and an ambulance, and admitted what she had done. She was later charged with attempted murder, having refused the lesser charge of attempted manslaughter, as a matter of principle. After promising the judge she would not attempt again to harm her husband, she was put on probation for two years and told she could never be alone with her husband again. Mr Justice Toulson at Exeter crown court said that the kind of dementia her husband suffered caused “hopeless disintegration of mind and body” and created a sense of “bereavement before death” for his relatives. He told Wood: “I accept without hesitation that you love him desperately and you believed what you were doing was the right thing. But neither the fact that your motive was to spare him wretchedness, nor your conviction that you were doing right means it was right.” Later, she said she did not regret what she had done because it would have freed him from the “living hell” of dementia. Wood told the Western Morning News in 2002: “I feel like I let Tim down. He went on for nine more months after that.” Her probation term continued after his death. Assisted suicide Switzerland Karen McVeigh guardian.co.uk
A More Permanent Join
“Half the world’s IT people hate our company’s guts,” Aaron told the HR lady. “For once, can we hire someone from the other half?” “The last round of consultants didn’t hate us,” she replied. “Unbridled hatred is the only reason to inflict Crystal Reports on someone.” “There may have been a few bugs, but your team ironed them out.” “If by ‘ironed out’, you must mean ‘ hacked in a usable suite of reports ‘, then yes. But maintenance is taking up too much project time. We need a full-timer to take on some of the workload.” “I’ll have the usual placement firm send you a contractor,” she said. “Could I have someone competent instead?” “I can’t approve a new full-time position,” she stated. “We just made the Fortune 100 this quarter. We have to take steps to maintain our position.” “By not writing checks?” “By being prudent. Why should we pay a salary when a contract will suffice?” Aaron frowned deeply. “Because in both cases, we’ll get exactly what we pay for.” Join the Team Aaron asked for a specialist. HR requested a ‘guru’ . The placement firm sent Stan, a smiling cotton-swab wrapped in plaid. They spent some time going over the details of the system. Stan nodded happily, and jotted down three lines of notes. Aaron checked in on Stan on hour six of his two hour introduction project– politely ignoring the stack of printouts from the ‘Intro to SQL’ website on the guru’s desk. “I’m having problems setting up the connection in Crystal Reports,” Stan said with a smile. “The QA reports already have the connection settings,” Aaron explained– again. “Just copy one and use it as a template.” “Alrighty,” Stan grinned, and resumed pecking at the keyboard. As Aaron headed out at the end of the day, Stan flagged him down. “It’s working,” Stan beamed, swiveling around the monitor to show off his accomplishment. The layouts looked right, and selecting various date ranges seemed to pull up the right data. Aaron nodded. It wasn’t bad, except… “StatusID is an INT,” he mused, pointing out the column. “I’d like to see the actual status text rather than the enumeration number. You can join to the transaction_status table for that.” “Ok,” Stan chirped. “I’ll stay late and finish that for you.” “Sounds good,” Aaron said, appreciating the work ethic.
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Israeli court to hear Corrie death civil case
Parents of American activist killed by Israeli bulldozer seven years ago take fight for justice to Haifa courtroom An Israeli court today is to begin hearing a civil suit brought against the Israeli government over the death of Rachel Corrie, the US activist who was killed by an Israeli army bulldozer in Gaza seven years ago. The case, brought in a Haifa court by her family, challenges the official Israeli version of events, in which the military said its troops were not to blame. The family hopes the case will be an opportunity to put on public record the events that led to their daughter’s death in March 2003. If the Israeli state is found responsible, the family will press for at least $300,000 (£200,000) in damages. Cindy Corrie, Rachel’s mother, said the family were “still searching for justice”. “The brutal death of my daughter should never have happened. We believe the Israeli army must be held accountable for her unlawful killing,” she said before the hearing. Four key witnesses – three Britons and an American – who were at the scene in Rafah when Corrie was killed, are due to give evidence. The family’s lawyer, Hussein Abu Hussein, will argue that witness evidence shows the soldiers saw Corrie at the scene, with other activists, well before the incident and could have arrested her or removed her from the area before there was any risk of her being killed. He will also argue her death was either due to gross negligence by the Israeli authorities or was intentional. Rachel’s father, Craig, said: “After seven years, this process will, perhaps, yield some of the results we have been seeking in our quest for truth, accountability, and justice, in Rachel’s case and beyond.” Corrie, who was born in Olympia, Washington, travelled to Gaza to act as a human shield at a moment of intense conflict between the Israeli military and the Palestinians. On the day she died, when she was just 23, she was dressed in a fluorescent orange vest and was trying to stop the demolition of a Palestinian home in Rafah. She was crushed under a military Caterpillar D9R bulldozer and died shortly afterwards. A month after her death, the Israeli military said an investigation had determined its troops were not to blame and said the driver of the bulldozer had not seen her and did not intentionally run her over. Instead, it accused her and the group she was with, the International Solidarity Movement, of behaviour that was “illegal, irresponsible and dangerous”. The army report, obtained by the Guardian in April 2003 , said she “was struck as she stood behind a mound of earth that was created by an engineering vehicle operating in the area and she was hidden from the view of the vehicle’s operator who continued with his work. Corrie was struck by dirt and a slab of concrete resulting in her death.” But several witnesses offered a different version of events, saying the driver had seen her but continued anyway, hitting her with the bulldozer blade. She was severely injured and died shortly afterwards in an ambulance. While Corrie was in the Palestinian territories, she wrote vividly about her experiences. Her diaries were later turned into a play , My Name is Rachel Corrie, which has toured internationally, including in Israel and the West Bank. Rachel Corrie Israel United States Activism Rory McCarthy guardian.co.uk
Lloyd Webber sequel cursed by plot
Adelphi, London There is much to enjoy in Andrew Lloyd Webber’s new musical. The score is one of the composer’s most seductive. Bob Crowley’s design and Jack O’Brien’s direction have a beautiful kaleidoscopic fluidity. And the performances are good. The problems lie within the book, chiefly credited to Lloyd Webber himself and Ben Elton, which lacks the weight to support the imaginative superstructure. I should say that I have no truck with those ghoulish groupies who’ve seen The Phantom of the Opera 852 times and regard any sequel as equivalent to painting a moustache on the Mona Lisa. No masterpiece has been besmirched. But there is a crucial difference between the two shows. The hero of The Phantom was a crazed Svengali prepared to murder, and send chandeliers crashing, to further the career of his beloved Christine. In Love Never Dies, set 10 years later, he has become “Mr Y” – the mysterious owner of a Coney Island pleasure ground who lures Christine back for a well-paid gig. Romantic obsession may be common to both shows, but where one may feel sympathy for a doomed outsider, it is hard to feel much for an omnipotent impresario. What the show lacks, in a nutshell, is narrative tension. For Christine, having discovered her employer’s true identity, the big question is “to sing or not to sing?”. The result is a foregone conclusion. Admittedly Christine’s debt-ridden husband, Raoul, is tempted by the Phantom’s taunting offer of an even bigger fee to take the family back to Paris; but Raoul is too much of a cipher to count. And, although Christine’s arrival angers Meg Giry, who has previously been Mr Y’s leading showgirl, moody Meg’s revenge comes late in the day. Even the question of who fathered Christine’s child is hardly a matter of nail-biting suspense: the show might be christened, literally, “Son of Phantom”. At his very best – as in Joseph, Jeeves, The Phantom of the Opera and Sunset Boulevard – Lloyd Webber’s melodic inventiveness matches the material; here you have a welter of great tunes in search of a strong story. But at least the American setting gives Lloyd Webber the chance to explore a variety of musical idioms. The Coney Island Waltz echoes the discordant frenzy of Richard Rodgers’s opening to Carousel. Bathing Beauty, climaxing in a decorous striptease, is a glorious pastiche of burlesque tackiness. And in the big romantic numbers, Lloyd Webber pays heartfelt tribute to Viennese operetta. It may be significant that The Merry Widow had its New York premiere in 1907, the year in which Love Never Dies is set. And both the Phantom’s ‘Til I Hear You Sing and Christine’s Look With Your Heart could slot straight into Lehar. Even if Glenn Slater’s lyrics are no more than serviceable, this is a score you want to hear again. Lloyd Webber has also been exceptionally well served by his production team. Crowley’s designs offer a beguiling mix of new technology and art nouveau. Coney Island itself becomes a pop Xanadu conjured up by swirling projections (the work of John Driscoll) full of shimmering towers, lakes and big dippers. The Phantom’s lair is an orgy of writhing Jugendstil tendrils, bejewelled Klimt-like statuary and weird acolytes: my favourite was a creature, half-skeleton, half-woman, pushing what looked like an overloaded tea trolley. Paule Constable’s lighting adds to the show’s visual appeal: she lends a Hopper-like gloom to a sub-pier bar and gives a broadwalk vista a Renoiresque glow. While offering a spectacular eyeful, O’Brien’s production is also unafraid of simplicity: the staging of the climactic number, with Christine advancing down to the shell-shaped footlights, could hardly be more direct. From my distant seat in row O, the performances seemed fine. Ramin Karimloo’s Phantom may not have the tragic quality of Michael Crawford’s prototype but that is hardly his fault: the character is now more a mildly disabled Kane (of the Wellesian variety) than a social pariah. Sierra Boggess also displays a strong, vibrant soprano as Christine. Summer Strallen as the vengeful Meg and Liz Robertsan as her creepy, Mrs Danvers-like mum are both strongly defined. In short, the show has much to commend it and the staging is a constant source of iridescent pleasure. But, as one of the lyrics reminds us, “diamonds never sparkle bright unless they are set just right”. Although Lloyd Webber’s score is full of gems, in the end a musical is only as good as its book. With a libretto to match the melodies, this might have been a stunner rather than simply a good night out. Rating: 3/5 Musicals West End Theatre Andrew Lloyd Webber Michael Billington guardian.co.uk
Artes Mundi contenders go on show
Eight artists shortlisted for UK’s richest visual arts prize The work of eight artists competing for the UK’s richest visual arts prize went on display in Wales today ‑ and none could be accused of triviality. There was no sight of a light being turned off and on at the preview opening of the fourth Artes Mundi prize exhibition in Cardiff. This was big subject art tackling subjects from post-communist social order to consumerism and globalisation. The prize of £40,000 is one of the most lucrative in the world and the biggest in the UK. It is presented every two years and, while it may have a lower profile than the Turner, for example, its status and importance in the world of contemporary art seems to grow each time. Importantly, the prize provides a platform for international artists yet to make a big name for themselves in the UK. This year, nearly 500 were nominated from 80 countries. Tessa Jackson, founding artistic director of Artes Mundi, said one aim had been to increase “the level and scope” of contemporary art on display in Wales, and one direct result has been the decision to create a dedicated space for it in the national museum from next year. “There has been an enormous thirst for what we do and it has been one of the national museum’s most popular exhibitions,” said Jackson. “Beyond Doctor Who and dinosaurs even.” It will be an impressively well-versed visitor who knows the names or work of any of the shortlisted artists. Jackson said: “It has been a very conscious decision to bring together artists who aren’t necessarily part of the London or commercial scene. We want a different range of players. People don’t necessarily know the names of the artists, but they get very engaged with the work and the content of it and what it’s about.” Jackson agreed that all of the artists tackled serious subjects, but said the show was not po-faced. “There is amazing humour in some of the work,” she said. “I don’t fish, but there’s a bit of tickling going on here.” All of the artists this year were shortlisted for their skill in reflecting the politics that surround them, and there was a strong showing by artists from formerly communist countries, including the Albanian Adrian Paci; the Bulgarian Ergin Çavusoglu; the Russian Olga Chernysheva; and Gulnara Kasmalieva and Muratbek Djumaliev, from Kyrgyzstan. The latter pair, who explore ordinary life on the new Silk Road, were not at the prize preview after they were denied visas. The other artists are the Peruvian Fernando Bryce, who has lived in Europe for almost 20 years; Chen Chieh-yen, from Taiwan; and Yael Bartana, from Israel. Many of the exhibits show the continuing strength of film and video art. Bartana, for example, has on display her most recent work, a film called Wall and Tower, in which she imagines the return of the 3 million Jews who lived in Poland before the Nazi occupation. We are the “same but changed” says the orator as Bartana re-enacts the building of a wall and tower in the heart of Warsaw. This new Jewish settlement quickly has barbed wire round it and although it has a welcome sign, it is anything but. Bartana has called herself an “amateur anthrologist” and examines tricky subjects. “I’ve been exploring anti-semitism, the Jewish and Polish relationship, the economy of responsibility and guilt,” she said. So far, Bartana said she had managed to avoid hostility to her work. “The Polish project is more complicated and touching on some deep wounds. I’m expecting some more difficulties than before, maybe.” The exhibition at Cardiff’s national museum, which opens to the public tomorrow, provides a snapshot of each artist, but they will be judged on their work over the last five to eight years. The winner will be announced on 19 May. Art Wales Mark Brown guardian.co.uk
Recommit to women’s liberation
On International Women’s Day we launch a manifesto for 21st-century feminism Today is the 100th International Women’s Day . First agreed at a socialist women’s conference in Copenhagen in 1910, its aim was to campaign for the rights of working women. Today, the lives of women have changed beyond recognition compared with those of their grandmothers and great grandmothers. But the changes in work and personal life have been distorted by the needs of the market and have fallen far short of women’s liberation. The experience of work has been challenging and invigorating for a few, but for most women in the shops, offices, call centres and factories of 21st-century Britain it has been more likely to represent long hours, constant pressure, and growing attempts to squeeze more productivity and profit out of them. The big increase in the numbers of women working (more than 12 million today) has come from working mothers. But there has been no similar change in how the family and childcare have been organised. So while mothers work outside the home, often full-time, they are also often expected to shoulder the needs of shopping, feeding and caring for their children. This is on top of sometimes long journeys to work, and of the demands of shift work for many. Whereas the old sexist dichotomy of the 50s was that women could either have looks or brains, now we are expected to have both, plus cooking skills at least to the level of Come Dine With Me, and an all-seeing eye to ensure that children behave at all times. Women are expected to juggle all aspects of their lives and are blamed as individuals for any failing in their work or family life. The only people who can begin to succeed in doing this are those who can afford to pay others (usually women) to carry out some or all of these tasks. So an army of working-class women cook, clean, care for children, do ironing and washing, work in supermarkets, wait in restaurants, perform personal services, all to ensure the easier life of those women who “have it all”. Often in the process they neglect their own families to do so. The way in which women’s working lives are portrayed reflects this. There is much talk of glass ceilings, but little about those women who are falling into the basement, struggling to work and maintain families on poverty wages. The life experiences of women (and men) are radically different, with a small minority sharing in the profits made by working-class men and women. Alongside work has come increased sexualisation of society – now greeted with horror by respectable middle-class opinion, but much encouraged by advertising, the media and the profit motive itself, where porn and lap dancing are now big business. The other side of this sexualisation is the continuing high levels of rape, domestic violence and sexual abuse. We are still a very long way from women controlling their own lives and sexuality. This International Women’s Day we should recommit to a women’s liberation which is connected to a wider movement for human emancipation and for working people to control the wealth they produce. That’s why women and men have to fight for liberation. We won’t win without a fight, because there are many vested interests who want to stop us. But more and more people are beginning to connect campaigning over climate change, war and inequality with fighting for women’s liberation. That’s why we are launching a manifesto for 21st-century feminism to begin to organise for real equality. Feminism Women Lindsey German Nina Power guardian.co.uk
Recommit to women’s liberation
On International Women’s Day we launch a manifesto for 21st-century feminism Today is the 100th International Women’s Day . First agreed at a socialist women’s conference in Copenhagen in 1910, its aim was to campaign for the rights of working women. Today, the lives of women have changed beyond recognition compared with those of their grandmothers and great grandmothers. But the changes in work and personal life have been distorted by the needs of the market and have fallen far short of women’s liberation. The experience of work has been challenging and invigorating for a few, but for most women in the shops, offices, call centres and factories of 21st-century Britain it has been more likely to represent long hours, constant pressure, and growing attempts to squeeze more productivity and profit out of them. The big increase in the numbers of women working (more than 12 million today) has come from working mothers. But there has been no similar change in how the family and childcare have been organised. So while mothers work outside the home, often full-time, they are also often expected to shoulder the needs of shopping, feeding and caring for their children. This is on top of sometimes long journeys to work, and of the demands of shift work for many. Whereas the old sexist dichotomy of the 50s was that women could either have looks or brains, now we are expected to have both, plus cooking skills at least to the level of Come Dine With Me, and an all-seeing eye to ensure that children behave at all times. Women are expected to juggle all aspects of their lives and are blamed as individuals for any failing in their work or family life. The only people who can begin to succeed in doing this are those who can afford to pay others (usually women) to carry out some or all of these tasks. So an army of working-class women cook, clean, care for children, do ironing and washing, work in supermarkets, wait in restaurants, perform personal services, all to ensure the easier life of those women who “have it all”. Often in the process they neglect their own families to do so. The way in which women’s working lives are portrayed reflects this. There is much talk of glass ceilings, but little about those women who are falling into the basement, struggling to work and maintain families on poverty wages. The life experiences of women (and men) are radically different, with a small minority sharing in the profits made by working-class men and women. Alongside work has come increased sexualisation of society – now greeted with horror by respectable middle-class opinion, but much encouraged by advertising, the media and the profit motive itself, where porn and lap dancing are now big business. The other side of this sexualisation is the continuing high levels of rape, domestic violence and sexual abuse. We are still a very long way from women controlling their own lives and sexuality. This International Women’s Day we should recommit to a women’s liberation which is connected to a wider movement for human emancipation and for working people to control the wealth they produce. That’s why women and men have to fight for liberation. We won’t win without a fight, because there are many vested interests who want to stop us. But more and more people are beginning to connect campaigning over climate change, war and inequality with fighting for women’s liberation. That’s why we are launching a manifesto for 21st-century feminism to begin to organise for real equality. Feminism Women Lindsey German Nina Power guardian.co.uk
Miliband challenged on Iraq war vote
Chilcot inquiry points out that Tony Blair, Jack Straw and Gordon Brown have given ‘three rather different explanations’, and asks foreign secretary to explain why he voted for war Ministers have given the Iraq inquiry different reasons for the decision to go war, David Miliband was told today. At the start of the foreign secretary’s evidence to the Chilcot panel, Sir Roderic Lyne, a member of the inquiry panel, said it had heard “three rather different explanations as to why we took military action against Iraq in 2003″. Tony Blair emphasised the need to impose regime change on Iraq, Lyne said. But Jack Straw, the foreign secretary at the time of the war, stressed the importance of dealing with Iraq’s presumed weapons of mass destruction, Lyne said. And Gordon Brown, when he gave evidence on Friday last week, said he supported the war because he thought the will of the international community had to be enforced. Given the three views expressed by Blair, Straw and Brown, Lyne asked Miliband to explain why he voted for the war in March 2003, when Miliband was a junior education minister. Miliband replied: “I do not see the inconsistencies in the three sets of evidence that you describe.” He said that, before he voted for war, he read one of the reports from Hans Blix, the UN weapons inspector, and he believed that established a “prima facie” case for Iraq having WMD. In his evidence Blair said the inquiry should consider what would have happened if the Iraq war had not taken place. He said that an Iraq still led by Saddam Hussein, competing with Iran to acquire WMD and support terrorism, could be an even greater threat today than Iraq was in 2003. Lyne asked Miliband if Blair’s analysis was correct. Miliband said that this was a very important question but that it was “unanswerable”. Miliband went on: “The authority of the UN would have been severely dented. If, in the hypothetical case you are putting, we had marched to the top of the hill of pressure and marched down again without disarming Saddam Hussein, that would really have been quite damaging [to the ability of the UN to work together].” Miliband also insisted that the opposition to the Iraq war among the international community was not damaging British diplomacy today. “I do not feel today, in the work I’m doing at the Foreign Office and doing at the UN, that Iraq is thrown at us … It’s quite striking the extent to which the waters at New York [where the UN is based] close over and work carries on.” Some countries respected Britain because of what happened in Iraq, he said. “People in the region will respect those who will see through what they say they favour, even though they disagree with it, and would say to me: ‘You have sent a message that when you say something, you actually mean it,’” Miliband said. The foreign secretary also told the inquiry panel that they should not learn the “wrong lesson” from the war. “The wrong lesson would be that Britain should leave international engagement to others,” he said. “We must not be a country that turns our back on the world. Because if we do we will be much poorer as a result, in all senses of the world.” Miliband, the foreign secretary since 2007, will be the last minister to give evidence to the inquiry before the election. In an interview published ahead of his appearance at the inquiry, Miliband said it would be “stupid” to pretend that the Iraq war had been a total success. The foreign secretary said that history’s verdict on the war would be “balanced”, and said that it could take another six or seven years before the situation in Iraq stabilised. Asked if he agreed with the proposition that the war was justified, Miliband told the Daily Telegraph : “That falls on two counts. One, it is too glib about the loss of life and the reverses. And it’s too black and white. There’s a ledger, and it’s still being added to. There is a positive and a negative. It’s a balance, and history’s version will be a balanced judgment.” Miliband said that he did not have “sleepless nights” about the war. But that did not mean that he did not acknowledge the problems associated with it. “There are hard questions to be asked of anyone who supported the war,” Miliband said. “It would be stupid to pretend the balance is all on one side of the ledger. We haven’t lost the peace, but a lot of people have lost their lives … It was much easier to win the war than the peace.” Miliband described Iraq as a “post-conflict situation with quite a lot of conflict still going on”. He said that the next six or seven years would be “absolutely critical” in deciding how Iraq developed. He also insisted that Britain would not have gone to war if it had been known that Iraq did not have weapons of mass destruction. “If there was convincing evidence there were no WMD, there would have been no UN resolution and … no [parliamentary] vote.” David Miliband Iraq Iraq war inquiry Politics and Iraq Jack Straw Gordon Brown Tony Blair Foreign policy Defence policy Politics past Andrew Sparrow guardian.co.uk
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